Please convince me!

[DopeWeasel]

Ok, I'm tired of always feeling like I'm one of the only few that truly understands what is happening in the world. And I must apologize that I seem to be able to relate every discussion to the tragedy that is Bush's so called "War on Terrorism" (see hxxp://www.betaone.net/forum/showthread.php?p=74824#post74824).

So the task I bring to you is this. Convince me that this war is a just one. Give me some good reason why we should be in other countries bombing their schools and hospitals (yes this did happen). Tell me why you are not outraged at our government for deceiving us into believing that the attacks on the WTC were the work of Saddam. If you are to say that it is because Saddam is a known financier of terrorist movements do you not know that the CIA trained Osama Bin Laden in the 80's? This is in fact common knowledge and something that is at least suspect if not damning to our own government.

Don't tell me that this is a "tired old subject" because people are still being killed, the war is not over, nor will it be any time soon.

Do you not agree that if another country occupied the one you live in cutting off your water and power, destroying your homes and hospitals would you not rise up to oppose them? Would it not sicken you that when it comes time to rebuild these things that your own countrymen were denied jobs while the task is outsourced to a company ran by the Vice President of the invading country (i.e. Halliburton). Please tell me that you are not blind to what is happening in your own world. Please tell me that you are not simply another sheep being misled by the wolves of this nation.

I longingly await your thoughtful analysis of this situation.

If I am wrong please prove it to me. I do not wish to hate the country I live in.

Sincerely,
Ben

[KingCobra]

I don't like Bush's so called "War on Terrorism" or the budget he is leaving me & my kids/family. I don't feel we have been told the truth as Americans about what is going on in the world. Yes, I think we have always been in the dark even before Bush, but more so in the dark during Bush then ever before.

I've watched a movie a friend played for me called "Conspiracy Theories" I think, and it did call some things into question. People say we learn from history, but we only learn what we care to take in.

I see people/America make the same mistakes over and over again.

My brother is in the Air Force and I do have a part in this war, more than just being an American. I'd like to say I didn't vote for Bush, but I feel if the LORD continues to allow him to be in power... maybe there is a reason. If not, I wouldn't want to be Bush.

[JacKDynne]

Part 1

Quote:

Why We Went to War
From the October 20, 2003 issue: The case for the war in Iraq, with testimony from Bill Clinton.
by Robert Kagan & William Kristol
10/20/2003, Volume 009, Issue 06

"When I left office, there was a substantial amount of biological and chemical material unaccounted for. That is, at the end of the first Gulf War, we knew what he had. We knew what was destroyed in all the inspection processes and that was a lot. And then we bombed with the British for four days in 1998. We might have gotten it all; we might have gotten half of it; we might have gotten none of it. But we didn't know. So I thought it was prudent for the president to go to the U.N. and for the U.N. to say you got to let these inspectors in, and this time if you don't cooperate the penalty could be regime change, not just continued sanctions." --Bill Clinton, July 22, 2003

FORMER PRESIDENT CLINTON is right about what he and the whole world knew about Saddam Hussein's weapons of mass destruction programs. And most of what everyone knew about Saddam's weapons of mass destruction had nothing to do with this or any other government's intelligence collection and analysis. Had there never been a Central Intelligence Agency--an idea we admit sounds more attractive all the time--the case for war against Iraq would have been rock solid. Almost everything we knew about Saddam's weapons programs and stockpiles, we knew because the Iraqis themselves admitted it.

Here's a little history that seems to have been completely forgotten in the frenzy of the past few months. Shortly after the first Gulf War in 1991, U.N. inspectors discovered the existence of a surprisingly advanced Iraqi nuclear weapons program. In addition, by Iraq's own admission and U.N. inspection efforts, Saddam's regime possessed thousands of chemical weapons and tons of chemical weapon agents. Were it not for the 1995 defection of senior Iraqi officials, the U.N. would never have made the further discovery that Iraq had manufactured and equipped weapons with the deadly chemical nerve agent VX and had an extensive biological warfare program.

Here is what was known by 1998 based on Iraq's own admissions:

* That in the years immediately prior to the first Gulf War, Iraq produced at least 3.9 tons of VX, a deadly nerve gas, and acquired 805 tons of precursor ingredients for the production of more VX.

* That Iraq had produced or imported some 4,000 tons of ingredients to produce other types of poison gas.

* That Iraq had produced 8,500 liters of anthrax.

* That Iraq had produced 500 bombs fitted with parachutes for the purpose of delivering poison gas or germ payloads.

* That Iraq had produced 550 artillery shells filled with mustard gas.

* That Iraq had produced or imported 107,500 casings for chemical weapons.

* That Iraq had produced at least 157 aerial bombs filled with germ agents.

* That Iraq had produced 25 missile warheads containing germ agents (anthrax, aflatoxin, and botulinum).

Again, this list of weapons of mass destruction is not what the Iraqi government was suspected of producing. (That would be a longer list, including an Iraqi nuclear program that the German intelligence service had concluded in 2001 might produce a bomb within three years.) It was what the Iraqis admitted producing. And it is this list of weapons--not any CIA analysis under either the Clinton or Bush administrations--that has been at the heart of the Iraq crisis.

For in all the years after those admissions, the Iraqi government never explained, or even tried to explain, to anyone's satisfaction, including most recently, that of Hans Blix, what had become of the huge quantities of deadly weapons it had produced. The Iraqi government repeatedly insisted that most of the weapons had been "secretly" destroyed. When asked to produce credible evidence of the destruction--the location of destruction sites, fragments of destroyed weapons, some documentation of the destruction, anything at all--the Iraqis refused. After 1995, the U.N. weapons inspection process became a lengthy cat-and-mouse game, as inspectors tried to cajole Iraqis to divulge information about the fate of these admitted stockpiles of weapons. The inspectors fanned out across the country looking for weapons caches, stashes of documents, and people willing to talk. And sometimes, the inspectors uncovered evidence. Both American and French testers found traces of nerve gas on remnants of warheads, for instance. The Iraqis claimed the evidence had been planted.

After 1996, and partly as a consequence of the documents they had discovered and of Iraqi admissions, weapons inspectors must have started getting closer to uncovering what the Iraqis were hiding. For at about that time, inspectors' demands to visit certain facilities began to be systematically blocked by Saddam. There was the famous confrontation over the so-called "presidential palaces," actually vast complexes of buildings and warehouses, that Saddam simply declared off-limits to inspectors.

At the end of 1997, this limitation on the inspectors' freedom of movement precipitated an international crisis. The Clinton administration demanded that the inspectors be given full access to the "palaces." The Iraqis refused. Instead, Saddam demanded the removal of all Americans from the U.N. inspection team and an end to all U-2 flights over Iraq, and even threatened to shoot the planes down. In case there was any doubt that his aim was to conceal weapons programs that the inspectors were getting close to discovering, Iraq at this time also began moving equipment that could be used to manufacture weapons out of the range of video cameras that had been installed by the U.N. inspection team.

The New York Times reported at the time that the U.N. weapons inspectors (not American intelligence) believed that Iraq possessed "the elements of a deadly germ warfare arsenal and perhaps poison gases, as well as the rudiments of a missile system" that could launch the warheads. But because of Saddam's action at the end of 1997, the Times reported, the U.N. inspection team could "no longer verify that Iraq is not making weapons of mass destruction" and specifically could not monitor "equipment that could grow seed stocks of biological agents in a matter of hours." Saddam's precipitating of this crisis was a bold move, aimed at splitting the U.N. Security Council and isolating the Clinton administration. And it worked. The Clinton administration tried but failed to get French and Russian support at the Security Council either for military action or for a tightening of sanctions to force Saddam to cease these activities and comply with his commitment to disarm. The French and Russian position by 1997 was that the "books" should be closed on Iraq's WMD programs, sanctions should be lifted, and relations with Saddam should be normalized. That remained the French position for the next five years.

It was in response to this crisis that we at this magazine began calling for Saddam Hussein's ouster by means of a ground invasion. And in a letter sent to President Clinton on January 26, 1998, we and a number of other former government officials urged military action against Saddam on the grounds that the situation had become untenable and perilous. As a result of recent events, we wrote, the United States could

no longer depend on our partners in the Gulf War coalition to continue to uphold the sanctions or to punish Saddam when he blocks or evades U.N. inspections. Our ability to ensure that Saddam Hussein is not producing weapons of mass destruction, therefore, has substantially diminished. Even if full inspections were eventually to resume, which now seems highly unlikely, experience has shown that it is difficult if not impossible to monitor Iraq's chemical and biological weapons production. The lengthy period during which the inspectors will have been unable to enter many Iraqi facilities has made it even less likely that they will be able to uncover all of Saddam's secrets. As a result, in the not-too-distant future we will be unable to determine with any reasonable level of confidence whether Iraq does or does not possess such weapons. Such uncertainty will, by itself, have a seriously destabilizing effect on the entire Middle East.

/JD

[JacKDynne]

Part 2

Quote:

IN EARLY 1998, the Clinton administration, following this same logic, prepared for war against Iraq. On February 17, President Clinton spoke on the steps of the Pentagon to explain to the American people why war was necessary. The speech is worth excerpting at length, because it was then and remains today the fundamental case for the invasion of Iraq and the removal of Saddam Hussein from power.

President Clinton declared that the great threat confronting the United States and its allies was a lethal and "unholy axis" of international terrorists and outlaw states. "They will be all the more lethal if we allow them to build arsenals of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons and the missiles to deliver them." There was, Clinton declared, "no more clear example of this threat than Saddam Hussein's Iraq. His regime threatens the safety of his people, the stability of his region and the security of all the rest of us." Before the Gulf War of 1991, Clinton noted, "Saddam had built up a terrible arsenal, and he had used it. Not once, but many times in a decade-long war with Iran, he used chemical weapons against combatants, against civilians, against a foreign adversary and even against his own people." At the end of the Gulf War, Saddam had promised to reveal all his programs and disarm within 15 days. But instead, he had spent "the better part of the past decade trying to cheat on this solemn commitment." As Clinton explained:

Iraq repeatedly made false declarations about the weapons that it had left in its possession after the Gulf War. When UNSCOM would then uncover evidence that gave the lie to those declarations, Iraq would simply amend the reports. For example, Iraq revised its nuclear declarations four times within just 14 months, and it has submitted six different biological warfare declarations, each of which has been rejected by UNSCOM.





In 1995 Hussein Kamal, Saddam's son-in-law and the chief organizer of Iraq's weapons of mass destruction program, defected to Jordan. He revealed that Iraq was continuing to conceal weapons and missiles and the capacity to build many more. Then and only then did Iraq admit to developing numbers of weapons in significant quantities--and weapons stocks. Previously it had vehemently denied the very thing it just simply admitted once Saddam's son-in-law defected to Jordan and told the truth.

Now listen to this: What did it admit? It admitted, among other things, an offensive biological warfare capability, notably, 5,000 gallons of botulinum, which causes botulism; 2,000 gallons of anthrax; 25 biological-filled Scud warheads; and 157 aerial bombs. And I might say UNSCOM inspectors believe that Iraq has actually greatly understated its production. . . .

Next, throughout this entire process, Iraqi agents have undermined and undercut UNSCOM. They've harassed the inspectors, lied to them, disabled monitoring cameras, literally spirited evidence out of the back doors of suspect facilities as inspectors walked through the front door, and our people were there observing it and had the pictures to prove it. . . .

Over the past few months, as [the weapons inspectors] have come closer and closer to rooting out Iraq's remaining nuclear capacity, Saddam has undertaken yet another gambit to thwart their ambitions by imposing debilitating conditions on the inspectors and declaring key sites which have still not been inspected off limits, including, I might add, one palace in Baghdad more than 2,600 acres large. . . .

One of these presidential sites is about the size of Washington, D.C. . . .

It is obvious that there is an attempt here, based on the whole history of this operation since 1991, to protect whatever remains of his capacity to produce weapons of mass destruction, the missiles to deliver them, and the feed stocks necessary to produce them. The UNSCOM inspectors believe that Iraq still has stockpiles of chemical and biological munitions, a small force of Scud-type missiles, and the capacity to restart quickly its production program and build many, many more weapons. . . .

Now, let's imagine the future. What if he fails to comply and we fail to act, or we take some ambiguous third route, which gives him yet more opportunities to develop this program of weapons of mass destruction and continue to press for the release of the sanctions and continue to ignore the solemn commitments that he made? Well, he will conclude that the international community has lost its will. He will then conclude that he can go right on and do more to rebuild an arsenal of devastating destruction.

And some day, some way, I guarantee you he'll use the arsenal. . . . In the next century, the community of nations may see more and more of the very kind of threat Iraq poses now--a rogue state with weapons of mass destruction, ready to use them or provide them to terrorists, drug traffickers, or organized criminals who travel the world among us unnoticed. If we fail to respond today, Saddam, and all those who would follow in his footsteps, will be emboldened tomorrow by the knowledge that they can act with impunity, even in the face of a clear message from the United Nations Security Council, and clear evidence of a weapons of mass destruction program.

The Clinton administration did not in fact respond. War was averted by a lame compromise worked out by U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan. But within a few months, Saddam was again obstructing U.N. inspectors, driving a deeper wedge into the U.N. Security Council and attempting to put a final end to the inspections process. He succeeded. At the end of 1998, the Clinton administration launched Operation Desert Fox, a four-day missile and bombing attack on Iraq that was aimed principally at known and suspected facilities for producing weapons of mass destruction and missiles. The effect of the bombings on Iraq's programs and stockpiles, however, was unknown, as Clinton acknowledges. But one effect of Operation Desert Fox was that Saddam expelled the U.N. inspectors altogether. Beginning in December 1998 and for the next four years, there were no U.N. inspectors in Iraq.

What did Saddam Hussein do during those four years of relative freedom? To this day, no one knows for sure. The only means of learning Iraqi activities during those years were intelligence, satellite photography, electronic eavesdropping, and human sources. The last of these was in short supply. And, as we now know, the ability to determine the extent of Saddam's programs only by so-called technical means was severely limited. American and foreign intelligence services pieced together what little information they could, but they were trying to illuminate a dark cave with a Bic lighter. Without a vast inspection team on the ground, operating unfettered and over a long period of time, it was clear that the great unanswered questions regarding Iraq--what happened to the old stockpiles of weapons and what new programs Saddam was working on--could never be answered.

The rest of the story, we assume, most people remember. The Bush administration's threat of war beginning last summer led France and Russia to reverse themselves and to start taking the Iraq weapons issue seriously again. In U.N. Security Council Resolution 1441, the Security Council agreed on a new round of inspections, during which Saddam was to do finally what he had promised to do back in 1991 and ever since: make a clean breast of all his programs, answer all the unanswered questions about his admitted stockpiles of weapons, and fully disarm. Resolution 1441 demanded that, within 30 days, Iraq provide "a currently accurate, full, and complete declaration of all aspects of its programmes to develop chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons, ballistic missiles, and other delivery systems such as unmanned aerial vehicles and dispersal systems designed for use on aircraft, including any holdings and precise locations of such weapons, components, sub-components, stocks of agents, and related material and equipment, the locations and work of its research, development and production facilities, as well as all other chemical, biological, and nuclear programmes, including any which it claims are for purposes not related to weapon production or material."

/JD

[JacKDynne]

Part 3 (sheesh! )

Quote:

Iraq did not comply with this demand within 30 days--or, for that matter, within 90. In his March 6, 2003, report to the U.N. Security Council, Hans Blix reported that the declared stocks of anthrax and VX remained unaccounted for. In the last chance given to Iraq by Resolution 1441, Iraq had failed to provide answers. As Blix reported again in May 2003, "little progress was made in the solution of outstanding issues....the long list of proscribed items unaccounted for and as such resulting in unresolved disarmament issues was not shortened either by the inspections or by Iraqi declarations and documentation."

We have retold this long story for one simple reason: This is why George W. Bush and Tony Blair and Jose Maria Aznar led their governments and a host of others to war to remove the Saddam Hussein regime in March 2003. It was not, in the first instance, to democratize the Middle East, although we have always believed and still believe that the building of a democratic Iraq, if the United States succeeds in doing so, will have a positive impact on the Arab world. It was not to increase the chances of an Arab-Israeli peace, although we still believe that the removal of a dangerous radical tyrant like Saddam Hussein may make that difficult task somewhat easier. It was not because we believed Saddam Hussein had ordered the September 11 attack, although we believe the links between Saddam and al Qaeda are becoming clearer every day (see Stephen F. Hayes's article on page 33 of this issue). Nor did the United States and its allies go to war because we believed that some quantity of "yellowcake" was making its way from Niger to Iraq, or that Saddam was minutes away from launching a nuclear weapon against Chicago. We never believed the threat from Saddam was "imminent" in that sense.

The reason for war, in the first instance, was always the strategic threat posed by Saddam because of his proven record of aggression and barbarity, his admitted possession of weapons of mass destruction, and the certain knowledge of his programs to build more. It was the threat he posed to his region, to our allies, and to core U.S. interests that justified going to war this past spring, just as it also would have justified a Clinton administration decision to go to war in 1998. It was why Bill Clinton, Madeleine Albright, William Cohen, and many other top officials had concluded in the late 1990s that Saddam Hussein was an intolerable menace to his neighbors, to American allies, and ultimately to the United States itself, and therefore had eventually to be removed. It was also why a large number of Democrats, including John Kerry and General Wesley Clark, expressed support for the war last year, before Howard Dean and his roaring left wing of the Democratic party made support for "Bush's war" untenable for Democratic candidates.



NOTHING THAT HAS or has not been discovered in Iraq since the end of the war changes this fundamental judgment. Those who always objected to the rationale for the war want to use the failure so far to discover large caches of weapons to re-litigate the question. Democrats fearful of their party's left wing are using it to jump off the positions they held last year. That's politics. But back in the real world, the fact that David Kay's inspections teams have not yet found out what happened to Saddam's admitted stockpiles is not surprising. U.N. weapons inspectors did not find those caches of weapons in 12 years; Kay and his team have had about four months. Yes, we wish Saddam had left his chemical munitions and biological weapons neatly stacked up in a warehouse somewhere marked on the outside with a big, yellow skull and crossbones. We wish he had published his scientists' nuclear designs in the daily paper. Or we wish we could find the "Dear Diary" entry where he explains exactly what happened to all the weapons he built. But he did not leave these helpful hints behind.

After Operation Iraqi Freedom, the U.S. military was led by an Iraqi to a part of the desert where, lo and behold, a number of MiG fighter jets had been buried under the sand. Note that the Americans did not discover the jets themselves. Discovering chemical and biological munitions will be somewhat harder. Kay recently reported to Congress that there are approximately 130 Ammunition Storage Points scattered across Iraq, a country the size of France. Many of the ammunition depots take up more than 50 square miles. Together they hold 600,000 tons of artillery shells, rockets, aviation bombs, and other ordinance. Under Saddam, U.N. inspectors learned, the Iraqi military stored chemical ordnance at the same ammunition depots where the conventional rounds were stored. Do you know how many of the 130 Iraqi ammunition depots have been searched since the end of the war? Ten. Only 120 to go.

Saddam Hussein had four years of unfettered activity in which to hide and reconfigure his weapons programs. Our intelligence on this, as we noted earlier, may have been lousy. David Kay's task has essentially been to reconstruct a story we don't know. In fact, he's learned quite a bit in a very short time. For instance, as Kay reported to Congress, his team has uncovered "dozens of WMD-related program activities and significant amounts of equipment that Iraq concealed from the U.N. during the inspections that began in late 2002" (emphasis added). In addition, based on admissions by Iraqi scientists and government officials, Kay and his team have discovered:

* A clandestine network of laboratories and safehouses within the Iraqi Intelligence Service that contained equipment suitable for research in the production of chemical and biological weapons. This kind of equipment was explicitly mentioned in Hans Blix's requests for information, but was instead concealed from Blix throughout his investigations.

* A prison laboratory complex, which may have been used in human testing of biological weapons agents. Iraqi officials working to prepare for U.N. inspections in 2002 and 2003 were explicitly ordered not to acknowledge the existence of the prison complex.

* So-called "reference strains" of biological organisms, which can be used to produce biological weapons. The strains were found in a scientist's home.

* New research on agents applicable to biological weapons, including Congo Crimean Hemorrhagic Fever, and continuing research on ricin and aflatoxin--all of which was, again, concealed from Hans Blix despite his specific request for any such information.

* Plans and advanced design work on new long-range missiles with ranges up to at least 1,000 kilometers--well beyond the 150-kilometer limit imposed on Iraq by the U.N. Security Council. These missiles would have allowed Saddam to threaten targets from Ankara to Cairo.

In addition to these banned activities, which were occurring right under the noses of the U.N. inspectors this past year, Kay and his team also discovered a massive effort to destroy evidence of weapons programs, an effort that began before the war and continued during it and even after the war. In the "looting" that followed the fall of Baghdad, computer hard drives were destroyed in government buildings--thus making the computers of no monetary value to actual looters. Kay also found documents burned or shredded. And people whom the Kay team tried to interview were in some cases threatened with retaliation by Saddam loyalists. Indeed, two of the scientists were subsequently shot. Others involved in the weapons programs have refused to talk for fear of eventual prosecution for war crimes.

Nevertheless, Kay has begun piecing together the story of what happened to Saddam's weapons and how he may have shifted direction in the years after 1998. It is possible that instead of building up large stockpiles of weapons, Saddam decided the safer thing would be to advance his covert programs for producing weapons but wait until the pressure was off to produce the weapons themselves. By the time inspectors returned to Iraq in 2002, Saddam was ready to be a little more forthcoming, because he had rejiggered his program to withstand somewhat greater scrutiny. Nevertheless, even then he could not let the inspectors see everything. Undoubtedly he hoped that if he could get through that last round, he would be home free, eventually without sanctions or further inspections.

There are no doubt some Americans who believe that this would have been an acceptable outcome. Or who believe that another six months of inspections would have uncovered all that Saddam was hiding. Or that a policy of "containment"--which included 200,000 troops on Iraq's borders as an inducement to permit inspections--could have been sustained indefinitely both at the U.N. Security Council and in Washington. We believe the overwhelming lesson of our history with Saddam is that none of these options would have succeeded. Had Saddam Hussein not been removed this year, it would have been only a matter of time before this president or some future president was compelled to take action against him, and in more dangerous circumstances.

There are people who will never accept this logic, who prefer to believe, or claim to believe, that the whole Iraq affair was, in the words of Ted Kennedy, a "fraud" "made up in Texas" for political gain, or who believe that it was the product of a vast conspiracy orchestrated by a tiny little band of "neoconservatives." Some of the people propagating this conspiratorial view of the Iraq war are now running for the Democratic nomination for president; one of them is even a former general who led the war against Slobodan Milosevic in 1999. We wish them the best of luck selling their conspiracy theories to the American people. But we trust Bill Clinton won't be stumping for them on this particular issue.

--Robert Kagan & William Kristol

/JD

[Firefox]

First, Dopeweasle keep the verse in context it is " the LOVE of money that is the root of all evil" Money in itself is not evil it is amoral, it can be used for good or bad. Yes the USA is capitalistic but it is also altrusitc, The USA gives more $ in aid, debt relief, pure money, grants, donation, 15 billion comitted to AIDS in Africa through Bill Clinton ( you can bet that he will skim his share some way like most politicans) . I don't agree with how every dollar is Spent. I hate Partisan Politics. I disagree with many of President Bush goals.

You speak of the Media twisting the truth, Here is some propaganda that many belive hook, line and sinker and you can see it on many a Bumper stickers, "NOBODY DIED WHEN CLINTON LIED" Is a farce in the wag the dog "war on the Serbs , it is estimated that 1500 people died , the econmic and cultral destruction that took place from the "Clintons War " Here is an article you can read
A President Accused of Rape Destroys a Nation Because of Accusations of Rape


By Mary Mostert, Analyst, Original Sources (www.originalsources.com)

April 29, 1999

In war, we are told, one needs to know one's enemy. That is true. In the current war in Yugoslavia, it is equally important that we also know our friends. Who are the Albanians we are now being encouraged send ground troops to defend in Kosovo? We are now being encouraged to destroy the country and culture of Yugoslavia because we have been TOLD that "Serbs are raping Albanian women." Why this should be a great concern to an American population which insisted it president who was accused of raping women should remain in office without punishment is a matter which personally escapes me.

1997 NY Time Article Warned Us About Albanian Efforts to Ethnically Cleanse Kosovo of Serbs However, it we take the position that destroying ancient architectural masterpieces, apartment buildings and passenger trains with million dollar missiles is morally required of us because of alleged atrocities of Serbs against Albanian women, perhaps we need to take a look at the alleged atrocities of Albanians against Serb women.

Twelve years ago David Binder, on November 1, 1987, writing from Belgrade, wrote about the ethnic strife that was beginning to engulf Kosovo because of policies of the ALBANIANS in Kosovo. Albania, under the leadership of Enver Hoxha, consistently aligned itself with the most repressive advocates of Communism. Hoxha was a founder (1941) of the Albanian Communist party (Albanian Labor party from 1948), General secretary of the party from 1943, he was premier (1946-54) of Albania after its proclamation as a republic. Hoxha was also minister of foreign affairs (1946-53) and commander in chief of the army (1944-54). He maintained close ties with the Soviet Union until its rift with Communist China in 1961; he then joined Beijing in its ideological struggle against Moscow and was branded as a Stalinist by Soviet and other Communist leaders. He stopped Albanian participation in the Warsaw Pact and the Council for Economic Assistance (Comecon). In 1977, Hoxha broke ties with China, protesting that country's liberalization and the U.S.-China rapprochement. Under Hoxha's rule, Albania remained one of the least economically developed and one of the most isolated countries in Europe. Hoxha died in office in 1985, and was succeeded by Ramiz Alia.

Binder warned in a Special to the New York Times, from Belgrade, November 1, 1987, Sunday, Late City Final Edition, Section 1; Part 1, Page 14, Column,

"In Yugoslavia, Rising Ethnic Strife Brings Fears of Worse Civil Conflict" that "Portions of southern Yugoslavia have reached such a state of ethnic friction that Yugoslavs have begun to talk of the horrifying possibility of ''civil war'' in a land that lost one-tenth of its population, or 1.7 million people, in World War II. "The current hostilities pit separatist-minded ethnic Albanians against the various Slavic populations of Yugoslavia and occur at all levels of society, from the highest officials to the humblest peasants. A young Army conscript of ethnic Albanian origin shot up his barracks, killing four sleeping Slavic bunkmates and wounding six others. The army says it has uncovered hundreds of subversive ethnic Albanian cells in its ranks. Some arsenals have been raided."

In the article Binder listed the following factors which he believed would lead to the civil war now under way between the Albanian communists and the Serbs:

Vicious Insults

Ethnic Albanians in the Government have manipulated public funds and regulations to take over land belonging to Serbs. And politicians have exchanged vicious insults. Slavic Orthodox churches have been attacked, and flags have been torn down. Wells have been poisoned and crops burned. Slavic boys have been knifed, and some young ethnic Albanians have been told by their elders to rape Serbian girls. Ethnic Albanians comprise the fastest growing nationality in Yugoslavia and are expected soon to become its third largest, after the Serbs and Croats.

Radicals' Goals

The goal of the radical nationalists among them, one said in an interview, is an ''ethnic Albania that includes western Macedonia, southern Montenegro, part of southern Serbia, Kosovo and Albania itself.'' That includes large chunks of the republics that make up the southern half of Yugoslavia. Other ethnic Albanian separatists admit to a vision of a greater Albania governed from Pristina in southern Yugoslavia rather than Tirana, the capital of neighboring Albania.

There is no evidence that the hard-line Communist Government in Tirana is giving them material assistance. The principal battleground is the region called Kosovo, a high plateau ringed by mountains that is somewhat smaller than New Jersey. Ethnic Albanians there make up 85 percent of the population of 1.7 million. The rest are Serbians and Montenegrins.

Worst Strife in Years

As Slavs flee the protracted violence, Kosovo is becoming what ethnic Albanian nationalists have been demanding for years, and especially strongly since the bloody rioting by ethnic Albanians in Pristina in 1981 - an ''ethnically pure'' Albanian region, a ''Republic of Kosovo' ' in all but name. The violence, a journalist in Kosovo said, is escalating to ''the worst in the last seven years.'' Many Yugoslavs blame the troubles on the ethnic Albanians, but the matter is more complex in a country with as many nationalities and religions as

Yugoslavia's and involves economic development, law, politics, families and flags. As recently as 20 years ago, the Slavic majority treated ethnic Albanians as inferiors to be employed as hewers of wood and carriers of heating coal. The ethnic Albanians, who now number 2 million, were officially deemed a minority, not a constituent nationality, as they are today. Were the ethnic tensions restricted to Kosovo, Yugoslavia's problems with its Albanian nationals might be more manageable. But some Yugoslavs and some ethnic Albanians believe the struggle has spread far beyond Kosovo. Macedonia, a republic to the south with a population of 1.8 million, has a restive ethnic Albanian minority of 350,000.

''We've already lost western Macedonia to the Albanians,'' said a member of the Yugoslav party presidium, explaining that the ethnic minority had driven the Slavic Macedonians out of the region. Attacks on Slavs Last summer, the authorities in Kosovo said they documented 40 ethnic Albanian attacks on Slavs in two months. In the last two years, 320 ethnic Albanians have been sentenced for political crimes, nearly half of them characterized as severe. In one incident, Fadil Hoxha, once the leading politician of ethnic Albanian origin in Yugoslavia, joked at an official dinner in Prizren last year that Serbian women should be used to satisfy potential ethnic Albanian rapists. After his quip was reported this October, Serbian women in Kosovo protested, and Mr. Hoxha was dismissed from the Communist Party.

As a precaution, the central authorities dispatched 380 riot police officers to the Kosovo region for the first time in four years. Officials in Belgrade view the ethnic Albanian challenge as imperiling the foundations of the multinational experiment called federal Yugoslavia, which consists of six republics and two provinces. 'Lebanonizing' of Yugoslavia High-ranking officials have spoken of the ''Lebanonizing'' of their country and have compared its troubles to the strife in Northern Ireland. Borislav Jovic, a member of the Serbian party's presidency, spoke in an interview of the prospect of ''two Albanias, one north and one south, like divided Germany or Korea,'' and of ''practically the breakup of Yugoslavia.'' He added: ''Time is working against us.''

Next post in in the NExt thread

[Firefox]

The federal Secretary for National Defense, Fleet Adm. Branko Mamula, told the army's party organization in September of efforts by ethnic Albanians to subvert the armed forces. ''Between 1981 and 1987 a total of 216 illegal organizations with 1,435 members of Albanian nationality were discovered in the Yugoslav People's Army,'' he said. Admiral Mamula said ethnic Albanian subversives had been preparing for ''killing officers and soldiers, poisoning food and water, sabotage, breaking into weapons arsenals and stealing arms and ammunition, desertion and causing flagrant nationalist incidents in army units.''

Concerns Over Military

Coming three weeks after the ethnic Albanian draftee, Aziz Kelmendi,had slaughtered his Slavic comrades in the barracks at Paracin, the speech struck fear in thousands of families whose sons were about to start their mandatory year of military service. Because the Albanians have had a relatively high birth rate, one-quarter of the army's 200,000 conscripts this year are ethnic Albanians. Admiral Mamula suggested that 3,792 were potential human timebombs. He said the army had ''not been provided with details relevant for assessing their behavior.'' But a number of Belgrade politicians said they doubted the Yugoslav armed forces would be used to intervene in Kosovo as they were to quell violent rioting in 1981 in Pristina. They reason that the army leadership is extremely reluctant to become involved in what is, in the first place, a political issue.

Ethnic Albanians already control almost every phase of life in the autonomous province of Kosovo, including the police, judiciary, civil service, schools and factories. Non-Albanian visitors almost immediately feel the independence - and suspicion - of the ethnic Albanian authorities. Region's Slavs Lack Strength While 200,000 Serbs and Montenegrins still live in the province, they are scattered and lack cohesion. In the last seven years, 20,000 of them have fled the province, often leaving behind farmsteads and houses, for the safety of the Slavic north.

Until September, the majority of the Serbian Communist Party leadership pursued a policy of seeking compromise with the Kosovo party hierarchy under its ethnic Albanian leader, Azem Vlasi. But during a 30-hour session of the Serbian central committee in late September, the Serbian party secretary, Slobodan Milosevic, deposed Dragisa Pavlovic, as head of Belgrade's party organization, the country's largest. Mr. Milosevic accused Mr. Pavlovic of being an appeaser who was soft on Albanian radicals. Mr. Milosevic had courted the Serbian backlash vote with speeches in Kosovo itself calling for ''the policy of the hard hand.''

''We will go up against anti-Socialist forces, even if they call us Stalinists,'' Mr. Milosevic declared recently. That a Yugoslav politician would invite someone to call him a Stalinist even four decades after Tito's epochal break with Stalin, is a measure of the state into which Serbian politics have fallen. For the moment, Mr. Milosevic and his supporters appear to be staking their careers on a strategy of confrontation with the Kosovo ethnic Albanians. Other Yugoslav politicians have expressed alarm. ''There is no doubt Kosovo is a problem of the whole country, a powder keg on which we all sit,'' said Milan Kucan, head of the Slovenian Communist Party. Remzi Koljgeci, of the Kosovo party leadership, said in an interview in Pristina that ''relations are cold'' between the ethnic Albanians and Serbs of the province, that there were too many ''people without hope.'' But many of those interviewed agreed it was also a rare opportunity for Yugoslavia to take radical political and economic steps, as Tito did when he broke with the Soviet bloc in 1948. Efforts are under way to strengthen central authority through amendments to the constitution. The League of Communists is planning an extraordinary party congress before March to address the country's grave problems.

The hope is that something will be done then to exert the rule of law in Kosovo while drawing ethnic Albanians back into Yugoslavia's mainstream.

Somehow, in all the propaganda designed to whip up the emotions of the American people, especially women, the real identity of Bill Clinton's newest friends, the Albanians, has been wrapped up in words meant to whitewash their real identity. No longer are they identified as the most Stalinist of all European communists, or terrorists, or ethnic cleansers (95% of the population of Albania are Albanian - no minorities are allowed). Today we hear about the "Kosovo Liberation Army" and the "raping of Albanian women" and the "ethnic cleansing" of Kosovo by the mean, cruel Serbs in Belgrade.

Folks, we are being manipulated by Bill Clinton, again, and a people who once were one of our staunch friends and admirers, the Serbs, whose courage and love of freedom and willingness to die held up to 700,000 German troops at bay until America came into the war, are being killed by American bombs.

Code:

http://www.balkan-archive.org.yu/kosta/nato/

[Firefox]

Code:

http://www.serbia-info.com/news/1999-04/23/11210.html

Devastion from Clintons War



CIVILIAN VICTIMS AND DEVASTATION IN NATO AGGRESSION ON YUGOSLAVIA
April 23, 1999
Bozin and Bojana Tosovic, eleven-month old
OVERVIEW OF DESTRUCTION OF CIVILIAN TARGETS ON THE TERRITORY OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA AS A RESULT OF BARBARIC AND CRIMINAL AGGRESSION BY NATO, FROM 24 MARCH TO 19 APRIL 1999

CIVILIAN CASUALTIES


From the onset of NATO aggression against our country up to 19 April 1999, the North Atlantic Alliance made over 7,000 criminal attacks against the territory of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. 700 warplanes, of which 530 combat planes, were used; more than 2000 cruise missiles were launched and over 6,000 tons of explosives were dropped.
About 500 civilians were killed and more than 4,000 sustained serious injuries e.g.:


in Kursumlija: 13 dead and 25 wounded;
in Pancevo: 2 dead and 4 wounded;
in Cacak: one dead and 7 wounded;
in Kragujevac: over 120 workers were wounded during an attack on the car factory "Zastava";
in Vranje: two dead and 23 wounded;
in Aleksinac: 12 dead and more than 40 wounded;
in Nagavac village, Orahovac municipality: 11 dead and 5 wounded;
in Pristina: 10 dead and 8 wounded;
Grdelicka gorge: 55 killed and 16 wounded;
attack on two refugee columns, with four cruise missiles, on the Djakovica-Prizren
road: 75 killed and 100 wounded, of whom 26 critically;
in the village of Srbica: 10 killed, among whom 7 children;

Belgrade suburb of Batajnica: a three year old girl was killed, and five civilians wounded.


Old woman from Cacak

Three million children are endangered in our country as a result of war and bombardment by NATO criminals.
After these barbarian attacks hundreds of thousands citizens have been exposed to poisonous gasses which can have a lasting consequences on the health of the entire population and the environment.
After the demolition of the Petrovaradin bridge, Novi Sad and Petrovaradin were cut of water supply (600 000 citizens) since the main and city pipeline was constructed into the bridge. About one million citizens in our country are short of water supply due to the bombardment of NATO aggressors.

About 500 000 workers became jobless due to the total destruction of industrial facilities all around the country. Two million citizens have no means for living and cannot ensure the minimum for existence.
100 000 people without bread

overall material damage is enormous. Preliminary estimates indicate that barbaric air strikes of the neo-fashist NATO alliance, since the beginning of the unprovoked aggression on the SR of Yugoslavia, on industrial, commercial and civil facilities and structures throughout our peace-loving country, have incurred damages in excess of 10 billion dollars. In the territory of the northern province of Vojvodine alone, damages have been estimated in excess of 3,5 billion dollars.

TRAFFIC
The road and railway networks, especially road and rail bridges, most of which were destroyed or damaged beyond repair, suffered extensive destruction. The targets of attacks were such communications as:

1. BRIDGES (11 DESTROYED AND 13 DAMAGED):
1.The Varadin Bridge over the Danube was destroyed (on 1 April 1999);
2.The "Sloboda" (Freedom) Bridge over the Danube was destroyed (on 4 April 1999);
3.The "Mladosti" (Youth) Bridge over the Danube, connecting Backa Palanka with Ilok, was damaged (on 4 April 1999);
4.The new railway bridge over the Danube connecting Bogojevo and Erdut was damaged (on 5 April 1999);
5.The road bridge over the Danube, connecting Bogojevo with Erdut was damaged (on 5 April 1999);
6.The bridge over the Danube along the Beograd-Novi Sad road, near Beska, Indjija municipality, was damaged (on 1 April 1999);
7.The road bridge along the Magura Belacevac road, 15 kilometres from Pristina, suffered extensive damage;
8.The "Zezeljov" Bridge in Novi Sad was damaged (on 5 April 1999);
9.The bridge over the Ibar river, Biljanovac municipality, was damaged (on 5 - 13 April 1999);
10.The bridge over the Vrbacka river near Jezgrovic was destroyed (on 5 April 1999);
11.The "Lozno" railway bridge near Usce was destroyed (on 5 April 1999);
12.The road bridge on the road leading to Brvenik, near Usce, was destroyed (on 5 April 1999);
13.The bridge along the Nis-Pristina primary road, near Kursumlija, suffered extensive damage (on 5 April 1999);
14.The bridge near Zubin Potok was destroyed (on 5 April 1999);
15.The Grdelica gorge railway bridge was damaged (on 12 April 1999);
16.The road bridge over the Kosanica river near Kursumlija was damaged (on 13 April 1999);
17.The old bridge on the river Rasina in the town of Krusevac (12-13 April 1999);
18.The Krusevac-Pojate bridge on the river Zapadna Morava, at the village of Jasika, was destroyed (on 13 April 1999);
19.The railway bridge on the river Lim, between Priboj and Prijepolje, near hydroelectric power station Bistrica was destroyed (on 15 April 1999);
20.The road bridge on the river Toplica, on the Nis-Pristina road near the town of Kursumlija, was heavily damaged (14 and 19 April 1999);
21.The bridge on the river Ibar, at the village of Biljanovac near Raska, sustained heavy damages (15.04.1999.);
22.The bridge between Smederevo and Kovin has been destroyed (16 April 1999);
23.The railway bridge on the river Kostajnica, near Kursumlija, has sustained heavy damages and is out of service (18.04.1999.);
24.The bridge on the river Kosanica, at the village of Selo Visoko, has sustained heavy damages and is out of service (18.04.1999.);

2. RAILWAYS RAILWAY STATIONS (12):


1.The Kraljevo - Kosovo Polje rail, near Ibarska Slatina;
2.The Belgrade - Bar rail, due to the destruction of the railway track near the village of Strbce and destruction of the bridge on the river Lim, between Priboj and Prijepolje;
3.The Kursumlija - Prokuplje rail, near Pepeljevac village;
4.The Kraljevo - Kosovo Polje rail, near Ibarska Slatina;
5.The Nis - Pristina rail, near Kursumlija;
6."Sarpelj" tunnel, near Jerinje village, 15 km north of Leposavic towards Raska, was destroyed;
7.Railway station in Kraljevo (Bogutovac);
8.Railway station in Kosovo Polje;
9.The Belgrade - Thessaloniki rail, due to the destruction of the bridge in the Grdelica gorge;
10.Railway station in the town of Biljanovac;
11.Railway track and overpass (Josinacka Banja) near the town of Biljanovac;
12.Railway track Kursumlija - Podujevo, due to damages on the railway bridge at Kursumlija;

3. ROADS AND TRANSPORTERS (6 MAJOR ROADS):
1.Ibarska primary road, due to damages to the bridge on the Ibar river, Biljanovac municipality, and destruction of the road between Pozega and Cacak;
2.Belgrade-Zagreb highway, near Stari Banovci;
3.Traffic suspended on the Kosovska Mitrovica-Ribarici section of the Adriatic highway due to the destruction of the bridge over the Vrbacka river;
4."Jedinstvo" bus station in Vranje sustained extensive damage;
5."Kosmet Prevoz" transporter in Gnjilane (a hangar full of new buses);
6.Kraljevo-Raska primary road;
7.Bus station in Pristina;
8.Traffic has been suspended on the Krusevac-Pojate road due to the destruction of the bridge on the Zapadna Morava, in the village of Jasika;
9.Traffic has been suspended on the Nis-Pristina road, due to the fact that the bridge on the river Toplica, near the town of Kursumlija, has sustained heavy damage;

4. AIRPORTS (7):
"Slatina" in Pristina; "Batajnica" and "Surcin" in Belgrade; Nis airport; "Ponikve" in Uzice; "Golubovac" in Podgorica, "Ladjevci" airport near Kraljevo; agricultural and sports airfield in Sombor.

ECONOMIC AND CIVILIAN TARGETS, PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS
The air strikes have so far destroyed or damaged all over the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia several thousand economic facilities and dwellings. In the Leskovac region alone, over 3,500 industrial facilities and dwellings were either destroyed or damaged.

The devastation of NATO forces was particularly manifest in Pristina, Novi Sad, Aleksinac, Djakovica, Prokuplje, Gracanica, Cuprija, etc. Housing blocks on the outskirts of Belgrade - Kijevo Knecevac, Batajnica, Jakovo, Borca, as well as the area around Pancevo, were under attack.

[Firefox]

Part 2

1. INDUSTRY AND TRADE:
The NATO aggressor's attacks targeted the factories and industrial facilities which directly cater for the needs of the population, among which are:


1."Lola Utva" agricultural aircraft factory in Pancevo;
2."Galenika" drug factory in Belgrade;
3."Zdravlje" pharmaceutical plant in Leskovac;
4."Sloboda" white goods factory in Cacak;
5."Din" tobacco industry in Nis;
6."Elektronska industrija" factory in Nis;
7."Div" cigarette factory in Vranje;
8.Tubes factory in Urosevac;
9."Jastrebac" machine industry in Nis;
10."Milan Blagojevic" chemical plant in Lucani;
11.Plastics factory in Pristina;
12."Binacka Morava" hydro construction company in Gnjilane;
13."Nova Jugoslavija" printers in Vranje;
14.Facilities of the "Beograd" rail company in Nis;
15.Over 250 commercial and crafts shops in Djakovica were destroyed;
16."Dijana" shoe factory in Sremska Mitrovica;
17."Zastava" car factory in Kragujevac;
18."14 Oktobar" machine factory in Krusevac;
19.Cotton yarn factory in PriStina;
20."Krusik" holding corporation in Valjevo;
21."Ciklonizacija" in Novi Sad;
22."Tehnogas" in Novi Sad;
23."Novograp" in Novi Sad;
24."Gumins" in Novi Sad;
25."Albus" in Novi Sad;
26."Petar Drapsin" in Novi Sad;
27."Motins" in Novi Sad;
28."Izolacija" in Novi Sad;



2. REFINERIES AND WAREHOUSES
Refineries and warehouses storing liquid raw materials and chemicals intended for the oil and chemical industry, were hit in Pancevo, Novi Sad, Sombor and elsewhere, causing large contamination of soil and the air:



1.Fuel storage in Lipovica, which caused a great fire in the Lipovica forest (on 26 March 1999);
2.Oil Refinery in Pancevo - totally demolished (4-16 April 1999);
3."Jugopetrol" installations in Smederevo (on 4-13 April 1999);
4."Jugopetrol" storage in Sombor (on 7 April 1999);
5."Beopetrol" storages in Belgrade and Bogutovac (on 4 April 1999);
6."Beopetrol" fuel storage in Pristina (on 7 April 1999);
7.Fuel storage of the boiler plant in Novi Beograd (on 4 April 1999);
8.Thermo electric power station/boiler plant in Novi Sad (on 5 April 1999);
9.Oil Refinery in Novi Sad, storage of bitumen (5 and 6 April 1999);
10.Fuel storage "Naftagas promet" which is located 10 km from Sombor (5 April 1999);
11.Naftagas warehouse between Conoplje and Kljaicevo (Sombor);
12.Jugopetrol warehouse in Pristina (on 12 April 1999);
13.Jugopetrol petrol station in Pristina ( on 13 April 1999);
14.Petrochemical industry "DP HIP PETROHEMIJA" in Pancevo - totally demolished (14-15 April 1999);
15.Fertilizer plant "DP HIP AZOTARA" in Pancevo - totally destroyed (14-15 April 1999);
16.Chemical plant "Prva Iskra" in Baric - destruction of the production line (19 April 1999);



3. AGRICULTURE:
1.PIK "Kopaonik" in Kursumlija;
2.PIK "Mladost" in Gnjilane;
3.Agricultural Complex "Malizgan" in Dolac;
4.Agricultural Complex "Djuro Strugar" in Kula;
5.In forest fires caused by NATO cruise missiles and bombs over 250 hectares of forests have been burned down;
6.Several thousand hectares of fertile land, many rivers, lakes and underground waters have been polluted due to the spillage of petrochemical substances, oil spills and slicks;

4. HOSPITALS AND HEALTH CARE CENTRES (16):
NATO aviation also targeted many hospitals and health-care institutions, which have been partially damaged or totally destroyed, including:


Hospital in center of Belgrade

Hospital and Medical Centre in the territory in Leskovac;
Hospital and Poly-clinic in Nis;
Gerontological Centre in Leskovac;
General Hospital in Djakovica;
City Hospital in Novi Sad;
Gynaecological Hospital and Maternity Ward of the Clinical Centre in Belgrade;
Neuropsychiatric Ward "Dr. Laza Lazarevic" and Central Pharmacy of the Emergency Centre in Belgrade;
Army Medical Academy in Belgrade;
Medical Centre and Ambulance Centre in Aleksinac;
"Sveti Sava" hospital in Belgrade;
Medical Centre in Kraljevo;
Dispensary on Mount Zlatibor;
Health Care Centre in Rakovica;

5. SCHOOLS (MORE THAN 190 FACILITIES)
Over 190 schools, faculties and facilities for students and children were damaged or destroyed (over 20 faculties, 6 collages, 40 secondary and 80 elementary schools, 6 student dormitories), including:




Elementary schools "16. oktobar" and "Vladimir Rolovic" in Belgrade;
Day-care centre in settlement Petlovo Brdo in Belgrade;
Two secondary schools in the territory of Nis;
Elementary schools "Toza Markovic", "Djordje Natosevic", "Veljko Vlahovic", "Sangaj" and "Djuro Danicic" and a day-care centre "Duga" in Novi Sad and creches in Visarionova Street and in the neighbourhood of Sangaj; Traffic School Centre, Faculty of Philosophy;
Four elementary schools and a Medical high school in the territory of Leskovac;
Elementary school in Lucane, as well as a larger number of education facilities in the territory of Kosovo and Metohija;
Faculties of Law and Economics and elementary school "Radoje Domanovic" in Nis;
Elementary schools in Kraljevo and the villages of Cvetka, Aketa and Ladjevci;
In Sombor: elementary schools "Ivo Lola Ribar", "A. Mrazovic", "N. Vukicevic" and "Nikola Tesla" in Kljajicevo;
School centre in Kula;
Elementary school and Engineering secondary school centre in Rakovica;

6. PUBLIC AND HOUSING FACILITIES (TENS OF THOUSANDS)
Severe damage to the facilities of the Republican and Federal Ministry of the Interior in Belgrade (3 April 1999),
Damage to the building of the Institute for Security of the Ministry of the Interior in Banjica (3 April 1999);
Severe damage to the TV RTS studio in Pristina;
Heavy damage to Hydro-Meteorological Station (Bukulja, near Arandjelovac);
Post Office in Pristina destroyed (7 April 1999);
Refugee centre in Pristina destroyed (7 April 1999);
"Tornik" ski resort on Mount Zlatibor (on 8 April 1999);
"Divcibare" mountain resort (on 11 April 1999);
"Baciste" Hotel on Mount Kopaonik (on 12 April 1999);
City power plant in the town of Krusevac (12-13 April 1999);
Meteorological Station on Mount Kopaonik damaged (on 13 April 1999);
Four libraries in Rakovica sustained heavy damage: "Radoje Dakic", "Isidora Sekulic", "Milos Crnjanski" and "Dusan Matic";
Refugee camp "7 juli" in Paracin has sustained heavy damage;
Office building of the Provincial Executive Council of Vojvodina, Novi Sad;
Several thousand housing facilities damaged or destroyed, privately or State owned, across Yugoslavia - most striking examples being housing blocks in downtown Aleksinac and those near Post Office in Pristina.

7. INFRASTRUCTURE:
Electrical Power Supply in Batajnica (26 March 1999);
Damage to water supply system in Zemun (5 April 1999);
Damage to a power station in Bogutovac (10 April 1999);
Telephone lines cut off in Bogutovac (10 April 1999);
Damage to a power station in Pristina (12 April 1999);
Damage to Bistrica hydroelectric power station in Polinje (13 April 1999);

TELECOMMUNICATIONS
TV TRANSMITTERS (17):




1.Jastrebac (Prokuplje)
2.Gucevo (Loznica)
3.Cot (Fruska Gora)
4.Grmija (Pristina)
5.Bogutovac (Pristina)
6.TV transmitter on Mt Goles (Pristina)
7.Mokra Gora (Pristina)
8.Kutlovac (Stari Trg)
9."Cigota" (Uzice)
10."Tornik" (Uzice)
11.Transmitter on Crni Vrh (Jagodina)
12.Satellite station (in Prilike near Ivanjica)
13.TV masts and transmitters (Novi Sad)
14.TV transmitter on Mt Ovcara (Cacak)
15.TV transmitter in Kijevo (Belgrade)
16.TV transmitter on Mt Cer
17.Communications relay on Mt Jagodnji (Krupanj)

CULTURAL-HISTORICAL MONUMENTS AND RELIGIOUS SHRINES
MEDIEVAL MONASTERIES AND RELIGIOUS SHRINES (16):


Gracanica

1.Monastery Gracanica from 14th century (24 March - 6 April 1999);
2.Monastery Rakovica from 17th century (29 March 1999);
3.Patriarchate of Pec (1 April 1999);
4.Church in Jelasnica near Surdulica (4 April 1999);
5.Monastery of the Church of St. Juraj (built in 1714) in Petrovaradin (1 April 1999);
6.Monastery of Holy Mother (12th century) at the estuary of the Kosanica in the Toplica - territory of municipality of Kursumlija (4 April 1999);
7.Monastery of St. Nicholas (12th century) in the territory of the municipality of Kursumlija (4 April 1999);
8.Monastery of St. Archangel Gabriel in Zemun (5 April 1999);
9.Roman Catholic Church St. Antonio in Djakovica (29 March 1999);
10.Orthodox cemetery in Gnjilane (30 March 1999);
11.Monuments destroyed in Bogutovac (8 April 1999);
12."Kadinjaca" memorial complex (8 April 1999);
13.Vojlovica monastery near Pancevo (12 April 1999);
14.Hopovo monastery, iconostasis damaged (12 April 1999);
15.Orthodox Christian cemetery in Pristina (12 April 1999);
16.Monastery church St, Archangel Michael in Rakovica (16 April 1999);

[Firefox]

Yet I hear so few, balk and protest with Peace Marches, etc, I guess that Peace and stopping War only matters if it Partiasan based, or if you disagree with a dually elected President "who is not your President"

It is also amazing that you never see the Tree Huggers out on the front lines of the Fire lines to "save the Trees" i.e ( The Biscuit Fire, located in southern Oregon and northern California, began on July 13, 2002 and reached 499,965 acres. Estimated to be one of Oregon's largest in recorded history)
1/2 MILLION ACRES BURNED not one anti-logging protestor showed up with a shovel to help build fire breaks, because if the did they would get there 15 minutes of fame on CNN. It would be great Media coverage. But if you try to cut down one old growth tree they will blow up logging trucks, drive spikes in to trees, camp out in the tree and leave there trash in the forest. Camp out in the canopy. of the trees. Kind of makes you wonder.

Now on to Saddam, Who Cried for the 200,000 Kurds (est) that Saddam Slaugtered?